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International financial institutions will come to order.  Without objection, the chairman is authorized to declare a recess of the committee at any time.  This hearing is titled Evaluating the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network.  Without objection, all members will have five legislative days within which to submit extraneous materials for inclusion in the record.  I now recognize myself for four minutes for an opening statement.   This is the third hearing with the Director of FinCEN as required by Section 5336 of the Corporate Transparency Act.  Today provides a public forum to examine FinCEN's operations, the troubled status of the Beneficial Ownership Information Reporting Regime, Anti-Money Laundering Act of 2020, and the history and impact of the Bank Secrecy Act.   The goal of this hearing is to assess these tools for targeted reforms that enhance security without trampling on privacy and innovation.  This testimony should help Congress assess how these frameworks target real threats, like terrorist and cartel financing networks, scam centers, and other illicit finance.  The big question is how to do it all while avoiding surveillance of law-abiding Americans and small businesses.   The Bank Secrecy Act was enacted in 1970 with a narrow, good intention to create transparency against organized crimes, infiltration of our financial system.  Over decades, the BSA has morphed into a bloated surveillance machine, demanding endless reports from banks, businesses, and individuals without delivering proportional results.   Today, this framework's dangerously outdated, and the BSA's one-size-fits-all mandates are tying up lots of resources.  Are they being used effectively?  In recent years, the Bank Secrecy Act, Corporate Transparency Act, and the Money Laundering Act of 2020 have proven sometimes ineffective but always cumbersome.   For example, FinCEN's own data shows that from 2014 to 2023, law enforcement agencies only accessed about 5.4% of the millions of currency transaction reports filed under the Bank Secrecy Act, highlighting how this flood of paperwork buries real leads in bureaucracy instead of focusing on bad actors.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and certainly thank you for being here, Director Gacke.  You're going to have a lot coming at you today as our only witness sitting up there.  And I think you should take that as because you have so much experience.  You have worked through President Trump's administration, President Biden's administration.  And so we're hoping that today's hearing will   shed light on the national security consequences if we cripple your office and our financial crime programs.  Because one thing I can tell you is that we all are against corruption.  No one wants to be engaged sitting on this committee by the very nature of the title that my Republican colleagues have named it.  So I am   very anxious to hear from you today.  So we know that the Financial Crime Enforcement Network is small, but it is of vital importance in a bureau at the Treasury Department   that is tasked with protecting our financial system from traffickers, from money launderers, from terrorist facilitators and other bad actors.  To put this work in perspective, let's look, for example, at something that we've all been engaged with on both sides of the aisle, and that's illicit fentanyl.   that trade that has devastated our communities over the last decade.  And I can say as well as I'm sure our chairman will because we're both from Ohio and what has happened in our districts.  FinCEN follows the money to the origins of these drug supply chains to disrupt   finance streams wherever it can, hopefully preventing synthetic opioids like fentanyl from entering our country.  When my constituents ask me what we're doing in Congress to stop fentanyl deaths and protect our communities, I tell them about the important work that we do on this committee to make it tougher, to make it less profitable for drug traffickers, and to

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