Judicial Overreach and Constitutional Limits on the Federal Courts

Courts and Competition Policy

2025-04-01

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Source: Congress.gov

Summary

This meeting of the Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited Government, held jointly, focused on the perceived judicial overreach in federal courts and the constitutional limits on their power[ 00:33:42 ]

. Members and witnesses debated the legitimacy and impact of nationwide injunctions, the balance of power between the executive and judicial branches, and the implications for judicial independence[ 00:34:54-00:35:20 ] .

Themes

Judicial Overreach and Nationwide Injunctions

Many Republican members and witnesses expressed concern that single district court judges are usurping the power of the executive branch through the issuance of nationwide injunctions[ 00:34:54-00:35:20 ]

. They highlighted the significant increase in these injunctions, particularly against the Trump administration, describing them as a "judicial coup d'etat"[ 00:39:25-00:39:39 ] . Mr. Larkin explained that the practice of issuing nationwide injunctions outside of certified class actions is legally mistaken and unwise as a matter of policy, lacking historical or statutory basis[ 01:20:45-01:20:54 ] [ 01:22:26-01:22:33 ] . Conversely, Democratic members argued that these injunctions represent the judicial system functioning as intended, serving as a check on executive actions deemed unlawful or unconstitutional. Professor Shaw noted that the numerous rulings against the Trump administration indicate actions taken "without regard for and often with outright contempt for both statutes and the Constitution". Concerns were also raised about forum shopping, where litigants seek out specific judges in certain districts for favorable rulings[ 01:25:03-01:25:16 ] [ 02:05:33-02:05:35 ] [ 02:40:48-02:41:06 ] .

Presidential Authority vs. Judicial Review

The debate revolved around the extent of presidential power versus the judiciary's role in reviewing executive actions. Republicans asserted that the President, elected by the people, has a mandate to implement policies, and judges should not impede these efforts, especially concerning national security and immigration[ 00:35:26-00:35:35 ]

[ 01:54:38-01:55:21 ] . They argued that the federal judiciary is "impeding the presidency" and holding itself "superior" to the executive[ 00:39:55-00:40:16 ] . Speaker Gingrich specifically highlighted the historical precedent where the legislative and executive branches have reshaped the judiciary. Democrats countered that the President's actions must conform to the Constitution and laws passed by Congress. Professor Shaw emphasized that "the Constitution lodges the executive power in a single president of the United States" but that "laws must be passed by both houses of Congress". They maintained that courts are fulfilling their constitutional duty to interpret laws and ensure executive actions do not exceed legal bounds.

Judicial Independence and Impeachment

A significant part of the discussion addressed the efforts to impeach federal judges whose rulings displeased the Trump administration and its supporters. Democrats vehemently defended judicial independence, asserting that judges should not be impeached for their decisions but only for "high crimes and misdemeanors". They referenced Chief Justice Roberts' statement that "impeachment is not an appropriate response to disagreement concerning a judicial decision". Speaker Gingrich, while acknowledging the impracticality of impeachment for rulings, suggested other congressional responses such as defunding courts or creating an expedited appeal process to the Supreme Court. Concerns were also voiced regarding threats and doxing campaigns against judges and their families, which were seen as undermining the judiciary's integrity.

Impact on American Citizens and Immigration Policy

Ms. Cindy Romero, a resident of Aurora, Colorado, provided compelling testimony about her experience living in an apartment complex overrun by the Tren de Aragua (TDA) gang. She described a climate of fear, violence, and property damage, and felt abandoned by local authorities, leading her to feel safer under President Trump's policies aimed at deporting criminal aliens[ 02:13:12 ]

. Republican members emphasized the public safety implications of judicial decisions that halt deportations of alleged gang members[ 02:25:36-02:26:29 ] . Democrats, while expressing sympathy for Ms. Romero's plight, underscored the critical importance of due process for all individuals, regardless of their immigration status or alleged affiliations. They cited instances of individuals allegedly mistakenly deported without adequate legal review, arguing that due process protects everyone, not just "the other"[ 01:12:50-01:13:38 ] .

Tone of the Meeting

The tone of the meeting was largely contentious and partisan, marked by strong disagreements and heated exchanges between Democratic and Republican members. Accusations of political motivation and hypocrisy were frequently made from both sides. Despite the confrontational atmosphere, there were also appeals for upholding constitutional principles and maintaining the integrity of the judicial system. Some members, including Ms. Romero, expressed frustration at the political nature of the discussion, emphasizing the real-world impact of policies and judicial decisions on ordinary Americans[ 03:05:45-03:05:48 ]

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Participants

Transcript

The subcommittee will come to order.  Without objection, the chair is authorized to declare a recess at any time.  We welcome everyone here today for a joint hearing on judicial overreach in the federal courts.  Before I recognize myself, I'd ask unanimous consent that members of the full committee, but not of the subcommittees, Mr. Moskowitz and Mr. Biggs, be allowed to sit in and participate in today's hearing.  Without objection, so ordered.   And as a point of personal privilege, before I make my opening statement, Speaker Gingrich, I've been here now, this is my 25th year on the Hill, and the first time I've had the pleasure of having you as a witness.  I will cherish that as much as I cherish the time I once carried your bag off of an airplane in San Diego and found out you were the speaker, but you were also a regular guy.  So with that,   I'll now recognize myself for an opening statement.  We are here today because a major malfunction in the federal judiciary has been recognized by both Republicans and Democrats.  Activists, district court judges usurping themselves with their Article III power and imposing on the nation injunctions beyond the scope of what   the United States Congress under statute has given federal judges.  These rogue judge rulings are a new resistance to the Trump administration and the only time in which judges in robes in this number have felt it necessary to participate in the political process rather than to participate in the Article III powers given to them both by the Constitution and by statute.   President Trump was elected to assert many policies, including the deportation of criminal aliens.
He did so publicly and was elected by a majority of Americans and the vast majority of the Electoral College.  But he also did so   in stark contrast to executive orders of the previous administration.  Time and time again, rogue judges have asserted, as though they were five of the nine members of the Supreme Court, their authority when the president was doing nothing more than undoing a policy of his predecessor, one which they seem to have no problem with in the previous administration.  Let me be clear.  It should never have come to this.   It is within the Supreme Court's ability to rule appropriately that judges have exceeded their jurisdiction.  Time and time again, the High Court has ruled on the substance of the ruling rather than on the inappropriate nature of an injunction overly broad and affecting   hundreds, thousands, or millions of people beyond the plaintiffs before that court.  Just last night, a judge halted the administration's plan to end temporary protective status for about 350,000 Venezuelans that Joe Biden welcomed into this country and gave temporary protective status to.  Temporary seems not to be a word understood by the court.   If President Biden could give protective status temporarily, how in fact could it not be the prerogative of the next president to undo that status?  Nowhere in that protective status was there an act of Congress or a recognition that temporary equals permanent.  This is but the latest outrage coming from lower, or at least I might say the lowest courts.   I have said from the start that my colleagues on the other side of the aisle should support this legislation.
After all, it was the Biden administration who opposed these universal injunctions and said they were illegitimate.  In fact, legislation in the last Congress authored by a Democrat is substantially similar to the one that we offer today and would have the same effect.   To quote the previous administration's solicitor general, literally the woman who spoke on behalf of the administration before the court, she said, the government must prevail in every suit to keep its policy in force, but plaintiffs can derail a federal program nationwide with just one lower court victory, end quote.   Those words by Elizabeth Prolongar, President Biden's own Solicitor General, were from October 2024.  In other words, after almost the entire four years of the Biden administration, they still believed and believed till the end that this was wrong.  And yet we will probably hear today no support on the other side of the aisle.  In fact, this is not new, but it is not old.   For 180 years of our nation, there were no such injunctions.  Only beginning in 1963 did district courts begin to, in relatively small amounts, believe that they could do these without multiple plaintiffs from multiple circuits.  From 2001 to 2023, the number grew to 96.  But an incredible 64 of those occurred during only   four years, the four years of President Trump, meaning that more than half of all injunctions in this millennium, this century, were against President Trump in his first four years.  That used to seem like a lot, but during President Trump's first nine weeks in office this year, he has already faced more nationwide injunctions than President Joe Biden did in his entire four years.