Missed Milestones: Evaluating The Last Four Years in the EAP Region and Unseized Opportunities

Asia and the Pacific

2025-02-25

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Source: Congress.gov

Summary

The meeting of the Committee on Foreign Affairs evaluated the Biden administration's policy towards East Asia and the Pacific, focusing on successes, failures, and opportunities for future administrations to strengthen engagement in the region, particularly in response to China's growing influence and threats from North Korea[ 00:22:11-00:22:32 ]

. Participants discussed US strategy, economic engagement, and human rights, largely agreeing on the importance of robust engagement and alliances in the Indo-Pacific[ 00:23:00-00:23:11 ] [ 00:27:25-00:27:31 ] .

Themes

US Engagement and Alliances in East Asia

The discussion highlighted the importance of strengthening alliances with key partners like South Korea, Japan, the Quad members, ASEAN, and the Philippines[ 00:23:18-00:23:39 ]

. Speakers acknowledged progress under the Biden administration in elevating the Quad to leaders' level, improving the US-Japan-South Korea trilateral relationship, and re-engaging the Philippines through enhanced defense cooperation[ 00:27:39-00:28:04 ] . The AUKUS security partnership was also praised for establishing US naval superiority and strengthening defense capabilities in the region. Future opportunities include establishing an allied defense arsenal, boosting US energy exports to allies, and making a "big bet" on Indonesia as a counterweight to China. It was emphasized that the US needs to "show up" with consistent presence, persistence, and partnership to maintain its role as the preferred partner in the region.

Economic Strategy and Competition with China

There was a consensus that the US needs a more robust economic strategy beyond security partnerships to counter China's influence[ 00:23:59-00:24:06 ]

. While the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) was seen as a starting point, it lacks market access, which partners in the region desire[ 00:24:09-00:24:11 ] . Alternative strategies proposed include bilateral trade deals, particularly with strategic partners like the Philippines, and sectoral agreements on digital trade or critical minerals. Concerns were raised about US reliance on China for critical minerals and the need to develop new markets and supply chains with allies like Australia and Indonesia. Outbound investment screening and export controls were advocated to prevent US capital and technology from fueling China's military modernization[ 00:36:53-00:37:05 ] .

Human Rights and Chinese Coercion

The discussion underscored the ongoing human rights abuses in Xinjiang, Tibet, and North Korea, as well as the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) transnational repression tactics[ 00:24:22-00:24:35 ]

. The US commitment to human rights was highlighted as a top priority in foreign policy, with concerns that these issues have not been adequately addressed[ 00:24:22 ] . Speakers pointed out China's aggressive actions, such as spy balloons, hacking campaigns, and maritime assertiveness, often met with insufficient deterrence[ 00:35:04-00:35:22 ] . There was also significant concern about China's growing influence in the Pacific Islands through economic agreements and its attempts to undermine US aid and development programs.

Defense Capabilities and Security Partnerships

Strengthening the US defense industrial base was identified as crucial for long-term security in the region, including co-development and co-production with allies like Korea and Japan. The AUKUS agreement, particularly its second pillar focusing on advanced defense capabilities, was lauded as a significant step to enhance deterrence and maintain naval superiority against China. There was a call to accelerate the AUKUS Pillar 2 initiatives to demonstrate quick, visible wins and build momentum for broader technological cooperation. The role of the US Coast Guard was highlighted as vital for maritime domain awareness and countering illegal fishing in the EAP region, especially given its ability to cooperate with smaller navies of regional partners. Deterring North Korea's nuclear ambitions and addressing potential nuclear proliferation by South Korea were also raised as critical security challenges requiring renewed engagement.

Tone of the Meeting

The meeting maintained a largely bipartisan and constructive tone, particularly in recognizing the strategic importance of the East Asia and Pacific region[ 00:28:40 ]

. While acknowledging achievements of past administrations, there was a palpable sense of urgency and concern regarding China's expanding influence and the need for a coherent, sustained US strategy. Speakers emphasized the necessity for continuity in policy despite domestic political changes, and expressed worry about potential disruptions to aid programs and alliances[ 01:23:52-01:24:01 ] . The dialogue reflected a shared commitment to American interests and values in the region, with strong calls for enhanced collaboration with allies.

Participants

Transcript

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Oh, I'm sorry for almost breaking that gavel.  Can we close that door, please?   The Committee on Foreign Affairs will come to order.  The purpose of this hearing is to evaluate the last four years of the Biden administration's policy towards East Asia and the Pacific, address its successes and failures, and identify opportunities for the Trump administration to strengthen our engagement in the region.  So let me now recognize myself for an opening statement.   Again, welcome to East Asia and the Pacific subcommittee's hearing entitled Missed Milestones Evaluating the last four years in the EAP region and unseized opportunities under President Trump.   As we convene for the first hearing of the 119th Congress, our subcommittee must reflect on the past four years under the Biden-Harris administration.  First, we must ask the tough questions that will help us chart the course forward   and ensure that we address the region's challenges head on, including where do we go wrong on China policy?  Why have we failed to enact punitive measures against the Chinese Communist Party when it was clearly warranted?  Do we effectively leverage our allies and partnership to raise greater awareness regarding regional issues?  Have we successfully deterred China and North Korea from advancing their dangerous agendas?   Have our economic engagement goals been aligned with the demands and needs of our partners?  While the Biden-Harris administration's strategy toward China has been short-sighted in many ways, one thing has remained consistent across administrations.  To engage effectively in the region, we must show up and work with our allies and partners.
Take, for example, the US relationship with South Korea and Japan.   These two nations have put aside their longstanding and unresolved historical disputes to tackle shared regional threats, including Kim Jong-un's nuclear ambitions and Xi Jinping's military and economic coercion.  This is a perfect illustration of how collaboration, despite differences, is not only possible but necessary.   And while progress has been made, this administration has tremendous opportunity to strengthen trilateral ties.  No matter the changes in domestic policies, our engagement with South Korea and Japan, as well as with Quad and ASEAN partners, must remain steadfast.  The threats posed by the CCP and North Korean regime are not going away.  Neither should our commitment to these vital alliances.   Second, we cannot allow the global economy to yield to the CCP's standards, nor can we lose the confidence of our allies and partners in American economic strength.   In my travels across the East Asia and the Pacific region, the message was clear and consistent that the United States is the partner of choice.  But without substantial economic incentives, our allies and friends are being forced into deeper trade dependency on China and to accept Beijing's artificially cheap investment that always comes with a price.   The previous administrations in the Pacific economic framework has the potential to provide a path forward to economically engage with these nations.  Our subcommittee now has jurisdiction over the development finance corporations and will use every tool at our disposal to ensure the U.S.  remains an active and committed economic partner in the EAP region.

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